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[122]Basilica Ⅴ，p.190（ed.Heimbach）。
[123]Research into the history of the Byzantine city in relation to the ancient polis is still at an early stage.Apart from the important work of Bratianu，Privilèges，it is only in the last few years that a number of studies on this problem have appeared.See especially E.Kirsten，‘Die byzantinische Stadt’，Berichte zum Ⅺ.Internationalen Byzantinisten-Kongress，Munich 1958;F.Dolger，‘Die frühbyzantinische und byzantinisch beeinflusste Stadt’，Atti dei 3°Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo，Spoleto 1958，1 ff.；G.Ostrogorsky，‘Byzantine Cities in the Early Middle Ages’，DOP 13（1959），45 ff.Important contributions have been made by Byzantine scholars in the U.S.S.R.In particular there is first the stimulating discussion by A.P.Kazdan，‘Vizantijskie goroda v Ⅶ-Ⅺ vekach’（Byzantine cities from the seventh to the eleventh centuries），Sovetskaja archeologija 21（1954），164 ff.，and Derevnja i gorod，in which he argues for an extensive decline in Byzantine cities in the early Middle Ages，while E.E.Lipsic，‘K voprosu o gorode v Vizantii Ⅷ-Ⅸ vv.’（On the question of the city in Bvzantium from the eighth to the ninth centuries），ⅤⅤ6（1953），113 ff.and Ocerki，87 ff.，M.J.Sjuzjumov，‘Rol’godorov-emporiev v istorii Vizantii’（The role of market-towns in Byzantine history），ⅤⅤ8（1956），26 ff.，both accept，in my view correctly，the unbroken continuity of Byzantine cities.Cf.also the comprehensive account of city and village in Byzantium by N.V.Pigulevskaja，E.E.Lipsic，M.J.Sjuzjumov and A.P.Kazdan，‘Gorod i derevnja v Vizantii v Ⅳ-Ⅻ vv.’（Town and country in Byzantium from the fourth to the twelfth centuries），Actes du XIIe Congrès Intern.des Et.byz.，Ochrida，1961，Ⅰ（Belgrade，1963）.Against Kazdan’s view that the numismatic material is evidence for a sharp decline in Byzantine city life in the seventh century onward，cf.my discussion，op.cit.48 ff.and Ⅰ。Ⅴ.Sokolova，‘Klady vizantijskich monet kak istocnik dlja istorii Vizantii Ⅷ-Ⅺ vv’（Hoards of Byzantine coins as a source for the history of Byzantium from the eighth to the eleventh centuries），ⅤⅤ15（1959），50 ff.See also the important observations by P.Grierson，‘Commerce in the Dark Ages：a Critique of Evidence’，Transactions of the Royal Historical Society，5th series，vol.9（1959），123 ff.，and G.L.Kurbatov，Rannevizantijskij gorod（Antiochija v Ⅳ veke）（An early Byzantine city-Antioch in the fourth century），Leningrad，1962.On the continuity of urban life in early medieval Byzantium see also S.Vryonis，‘An Attic Hoard of Byzantine Gold Coins（668-741）from the Thomas Whittemore Collection and the Numismatic Evidence for the Urban History of Byzantium’，ZRVI 8，1（1963），291 ff.
[124]On the date of the Farmer’s Law see above p.90 and note 7.
[125]This is correctly pointed out by Lipsic，‘Viz.krest’janstvo’105 ff.，and Ocerki，57 ff.
[126]This village community had nothing to do with the type of community organization distinguished by common cultivation and periodical redistribution of land which was once thought to have existed in Byzantium and whose origin was attributed to the influence of the‘primitive’Slav community life introduced by Slav migration.This theory was put forward by Zacharia and developed by Vasilijevskij and more particularly by Uspenskij.It is based on false hypotheses;its supporters had constructed their supposed primitive Slav communities after the model of the Russian mir system which is now recognized as a product of a later period.Community organization of this kind among the Slavs at the time of their settlement in the Balkans is on the contrary at least unknown and unrecorded.To sum up-Byzantium had never had a community organized on the basis of common cultivation，and，if we rely on the sources，we can find no such community among the early Slavs either.Byzantium certainly had communities of the kind described above，and these were found long before the Slav settlement，as was also the case elsewhere.
It is to the great credit of Pancenko，‘Krest’janskaja sobstvennost’，that he was not led astray by the authority of Zacharia or of his great Russian predecessors，and as a result of a careful analysis of sources he showed that the property of the Byzantine peasant was his individual，unrestricted and hereditary possession.Unfortunately，he went too far in the opposite direction.Like his predecessors，he always thought of a community in terms of an agricultural community with periodical redistribution of land，and since he rightly found no trace of this in Byzantine sources，he simply concluded that Byzantium had no village communities at all.This was in complete contradiction to the sources which certainly did recognize and frequently mentioned them.
There is no doubt that the Slavs played an extremely important part in the revival of the Byzantine Empire in the seventh century.This was not because they imported a specifically Slav type of community organization，as has been argued by means of a whole chain of false conclusions，but because they brought new energy and strength into the enfeebled state;both the farmersoldiers and the free peasants in the Byzantine themes undoubtedly contained a large proportion of the Slavs who had penetrated into the Empire.The importance of the Slavs in the development of Byzantium is especially emphasized by Byzantine scholars in the U.S.S.R.Cf.especially Lipsic，‘Viz.Krest’-janstvo’.Lemerle，‘Histoire Agraire’，219，p.63 ff.，emphasizes the importance of the‘demographic revolution’（bouleversement démographique）which began in Byzantium with the appearance of the Slavs in the seventh century.The theory of a Slav community organization imported into Byzantium，on the other hand，is increasingly being given up by Soviet Byzantine scholars who originally supported it.Cf.Levcenko，‘Materialy’，28 ff.，37 and especially M.J.Sjuzjumov，‘Bor’ba za puti razvitija feodal’nych otnosenij v Vizantii’（The dispute about the development of feudal relationships in Byzantium），Vizantijskie ocerki，Moscow，1961，41 ff.But see also Z.V.Udalcova and A.P.Kazdan，‘Nekotorye neresennye problemy social’noeconomiceskoj istorii Vizantii’（Some unsolved problems in the social and economic history of Byzantium），Voprosy istorii 1958，10，83 ff.，and the objections put forward by M.J.Sjuzjumov，‘Nekotorye problemy istorii Vizantii’（Some problems in the history of Byzantium），ibid.1959，3，101 ff.，which Ⅰ consider to be justified. ↑返回顶部↑
[123]Research into the history of the Byzantine city in relation to the ancient polis is still at an early stage.Apart from the important work of Bratianu，Privilèges，it is only in the last few years that a number of studies on this problem have appeared.See especially E.Kirsten，‘Die byzantinische Stadt’，Berichte zum Ⅺ.Internationalen Byzantinisten-Kongress，Munich 1958;F.Dolger，‘Die frühbyzantinische und byzantinisch beeinflusste Stadt’，Atti dei 3°Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo，Spoleto 1958，1 ff.；G.Ostrogorsky，‘Byzantine Cities in the Early Middle Ages’，DOP 13（1959），45 ff.Important contributions have been made by Byzantine scholars in the U.S.S.R.In particular there is first the stimulating discussion by A.P.Kazdan，‘Vizantijskie goroda v Ⅶ-Ⅺ vekach’（Byzantine cities from the seventh to the eleventh centuries），Sovetskaja archeologija 21（1954），164 ff.，and Derevnja i gorod，in which he argues for an extensive decline in Byzantine cities in the early Middle Ages，while E.E.Lipsic，‘K voprosu o gorode v Vizantii Ⅷ-Ⅸ vv.’（On the question of the city in Bvzantium from the eighth to the ninth centuries），ⅤⅤ6（1953），113 ff.and Ocerki，87 ff.，M.J.Sjuzjumov，‘Rol’godorov-emporiev v istorii Vizantii’（The role of market-towns in Byzantine history），ⅤⅤ8（1956），26 ff.，both accept，in my view correctly，the unbroken continuity of Byzantine cities.Cf.also the comprehensive account of city and village in Byzantium by N.V.Pigulevskaja，E.E.Lipsic，M.J.Sjuzjumov and A.P.Kazdan，‘Gorod i derevnja v Vizantii v Ⅳ-Ⅻ vv.’（Town and country in Byzantium from the fourth to the twelfth centuries），Actes du XIIe Congrès Intern.des Et.byz.，Ochrida，1961，Ⅰ（Belgrade，1963）.Against Kazdan’s view that the numismatic material is evidence for a sharp decline in Byzantine city life in the seventh century onward，cf.my discussion，op.cit.48 ff.and Ⅰ。Ⅴ.Sokolova，‘Klady vizantijskich monet kak istocnik dlja istorii Vizantii Ⅷ-Ⅺ vv’（Hoards of Byzantine coins as a source for the history of Byzantium from the eighth to the eleventh centuries），ⅤⅤ15（1959），50 ff.See also the important observations by P.Grierson，‘Commerce in the Dark Ages：a Critique of Evidence’，Transactions of the Royal Historical Society，5th series，vol.9（1959），123 ff.，and G.L.Kurbatov，Rannevizantijskij gorod（Antiochija v Ⅳ veke）（An early Byzantine city-Antioch in the fourth century），Leningrad，1962.On the continuity of urban life in early medieval Byzantium see also S.Vryonis，‘An Attic Hoard of Byzantine Gold Coins（668-741）from the Thomas Whittemore Collection and the Numismatic Evidence for the Urban History of Byzantium’，ZRVI 8，1（1963），291 ff.
[124]On the date of the Farmer’s Law see above p.90 and note 7.
[125]This is correctly pointed out by Lipsic，‘Viz.krest’janstvo’105 ff.，and Ocerki，57 ff.
[126]This village community had nothing to do with the type of community organization distinguished by common cultivation and periodical redistribution of land which was once thought to have existed in Byzantium and whose origin was attributed to the influence of the‘primitive’Slav community life introduced by Slav migration.This theory was put forward by Zacharia and developed by Vasilijevskij and more particularly by Uspenskij.It is based on false hypotheses;its supporters had constructed their supposed primitive Slav communities after the model of the Russian mir system which is now recognized as a product of a later period.Community organization of this kind among the Slavs at the time of their settlement in the Balkans is on the contrary at least unknown and unrecorded.To sum up-Byzantium had never had a community organized on the basis of common cultivation，and，if we rely on the sources，we can find no such community among the early Slavs either.Byzantium certainly had communities of the kind described above，and these were found long before the Slav settlement，as was also the case elsewhere.
It is to the great credit of Pancenko，‘Krest’janskaja sobstvennost’，that he was not led astray by the authority of Zacharia or of his great Russian predecessors，and as a result of a careful analysis of sources he showed that the property of the Byzantine peasant was his individual，unrestricted and hereditary possession.Unfortunately，he went too far in the opposite direction.Like his predecessors，he always thought of a community in terms of an agricultural community with periodical redistribution of land，and since he rightly found no trace of this in Byzantine sources，he simply concluded that Byzantium had no village communities at all.This was in complete contradiction to the sources which certainly did recognize and frequently mentioned them.
There is no doubt that the Slavs played an extremely important part in the revival of the Byzantine Empire in the seventh century.This was not because they imported a specifically Slav type of community organization，as has been argued by means of a whole chain of false conclusions，but because they brought new energy and strength into the enfeebled state;both the farmersoldiers and the free peasants in the Byzantine themes undoubtedly contained a large proportion of the Slavs who had penetrated into the Empire.The importance of the Slavs in the development of Byzantium is especially emphasized by Byzantine scholars in the U.S.S.R.Cf.especially Lipsic，‘Viz.Krest’-janstvo’.Lemerle，‘Histoire Agraire’，219，p.63 ff.，emphasizes the importance of the‘demographic revolution’（bouleversement démographique）which began in Byzantium with the appearance of the Slavs in the seventh century.The theory of a Slav community organization imported into Byzantium，on the other hand，is increasingly being given up by Soviet Byzantine scholars who originally supported it.Cf.Levcenko，‘Materialy’，28 ff.，37 and especially M.J.Sjuzjumov，‘Bor’ba za puti razvitija feodal’nych otnosenij v Vizantii’（The dispute about the development of feudal relationships in Byzantium），Vizantijskie ocerki，Moscow，1961，41 ff.But see also Z.V.Udalcova and A.P.Kazdan，‘Nekotorye neresennye problemy social’noeconomiceskoj istorii Vizantii’（Some unsolved problems in the social and economic history of Byzantium），Voprosy istorii 1958，10，83 ff.，and the objections put forward by M.J.Sjuzjumov，‘Nekotorye problemy istorii Vizantii’（Some problems in the history of Byzantium），ibid.1959，3，101 ff.，which Ⅰ consider to be justified. ↑返回顶部↑